@article{oai:repository.naro.go.jp:00001397,
 author = {細山, 隆夫 and HOSOYAMA, Takao},
 journal = {北海道農業研究センター研究報告, Research BUlletin of the NARO Hokkaido Agricultural Research Center},
 month = {Mar},
 note = {The result of review in this report can be summarized as follows. First, the attainment point of an agricultural, structural change and the regionality were clarified. Small number of projecting large-scale management develops at the Kamikawa central region. Under the progress of active farmland letting and hiring, the hierarchy organization is remarkable the two poles differentiation. The area share of management scale 40ha and 50ha or more exceeds the north Sorachi region and the south Sorachi region, there. The buying and selling, and the lending and borrowing of the farmland progress, in the north Sorachi region. It was in the hierarchy organization with a thick interlayer there. However, the hierarchy organization differentiates rapidly, after the latter half of the 1980's. Recently, only management scale 15ha or more increases. The management scale is large, a full-time farmer is also thick, and the scale expansion by purchase is remarkable, in south Sorachi region. There, the layer of large-scale 20ha or more and 30ha or more increases the thickness, as a change in the hierarchy organization. Secondarily, the factor and the feature of the hierarchical composition differentiation of "Farming affair union type" village were clarified, for the medium-scale rice field zone (north Sorachi and Fukagawa City). The village was in a middle-class farmer layer thick, and same quality composition there. However, the change appears, at the period of the latter half of the 1980's. The same quality had collapsed in the village because of an increase such as aged farmers. And, a lot of aged farmers abandon farming, at the period of the first half of the 1990's. The farmland supply and demand structure has been eased, at the same time. Such an inside, the hierarchy organization in the village also started differentiating, by progress of leased land. Moreover, The farmland adjustment by the village (priority to adjacent farmer and small-scale farmer, for acquisition of abandoning farming site) was backward. On the other hand, the progress of the farmland adjustment was seen by the scale expansion farmer group. The particular under, the leased land relation has changed into the buying and selling. In addition, those who abandon farming have removed still. Thirdly, the feature of the succession of the farmer and the farmland, in "Development type in postwar days" village was clarified, for the large-scale rice field zone (south Sorachi and Kitamura). The landed farmer family of a large scale and an agricultural principal occupation develops, and the third generation home is also thick, there. However, the differentiation of the hierarchy organization is being begun, by a layer where making to a large scale is advanced and other layers. Labor market is narrow-minded in the region. There the removal according to abandoning farming stands out, and management successor's absence begins to stand out, too. Many of those who abandon farming are successor absent farmers, and there are a lot of those who remove by the clearance of the farmland, too. As a result, the same quality has been maintained as a landed farmer group of the third generation home. However, management successor's absence is seen, and an aged farmer begins to be formed. The buying and selling is active in the farmland fluidizing. The lower farmer group sells off the farmland, abandons farming, and the scale expansion farmer group (Reach outside the village) is buying the farmland. In that case, the farmland adjustment by the village is seen. The abandoning farming site is divided, and the farmland consolidation to the scale expansion farmer group is done. Farmer's basic action standard is self-made continuance by the scale expansion (farmland purchase), or a farmland clearance to abandon farming. It is possible to say as follows above. The high fluidity of the farmer and the farmland can be pointed out together, in both regions. First of all, the base of the farmer succession is weak. Always, The farmer is exposed to the danger of successor's absence and abandoning farming (removal). That is, it is a direction to the household disappearance, in the farm village. Next, the base of the farmland succession is weak. There, at time when the management succession was abandoned, it leads to the abandonment of the farmland ownership. Thus, the mobility of the farmland is high. The research topic in the future is the following respect. It is directionality of the farmland letting and hiring. The lending farmland has shifted to the farmland clearance. However, the lender is always reproduced. Moreover, it is grouping of the farmland. The farmland fluidizing reaches outside the village, and the range of accumulation is extended. However, it is caught as a problem of the farmland decentralization., 本報告における検討結果は次のように要約できる。 第1に, 農業構造変化の到達点とその地域性を明らかにした。 上川中央では少数の突出した大規模経営が展開している。活発な農地賃貸借の進行下で階層構成も両極分化が著しく, 40ha, 50ha以上の面積シェアは北空知, 南空知を上回る。 北空知では農地の売買・貸借が同時に進行してきている。同時に中間層が厚い構成にあったが, 1980年代後半以降は急速に分化し, 最近では15ha以上層のみが増加している。 南空知では規模の大きい専業的担い手層も厚く, 購入による規模拡大が顕著である。階層構成の変化としても, より大規模な20～30ha層が厚みを増しているのである。 第2に, 中流域・中規模水田地帯-北空知・深川市-を対象に農業構造変動の端緒を示した「農事組合型」集落の階層構成分化の要因と特徴を解明した。 そこでは1980年代後半期, 農村集落は高齢農家, 兼業化の増加により, 中農層の厚い自作農集団としての等質性が崩れていた。そして, 1990年代前半期になると, 同農家群の離農, 農地供給が進み, 農地需給構造も緩和したのである。こうした下, 農地移動における集落内の自己完結性も崩れ, 借地進展によって階層構成も分化を始めたのである。 同時に, 集落による農地調整（離農跡地の隣接農家, 小規模農家への優先）の後退, 反面での担い手農家群による農地調整の進行も見られた。また, その借地関係にしても売買に至る性格にあり, 依然として離農者の離村も見られる。 第3に, 下流域・大規模水田地帯-南空知・旧北村-を対象に「戦後開拓型」集落における, 農家・農地の維持継承に関する農村社会の特徴を解明した。 そこでは大規模な専業的自作農家群が展開しており, 専業的な三世代構成農家も厚い。ただし, より大規模化を進める層と, それ以外の層とに階層構成の分化が開始されている。 労働市場が狭隘な下, 離農形態では離村, 農家就業面では後継者他出も目立ち始めている。離農者の多くは後継者不在農家であり, 農地売却を通した離村者も多い。これにより, 三世代世帯の多い自作農集団として等質性が維持されてたのである。だが, 後継者の他出も見られ, 高齢農家も形成され始めている。 農地流動化では売買が活発であり, 下層農家の売却離農が進むとともに, 担い手農家群では集落外にも及ぶ農地購入によって規模拡大が進行している。その際は集落による農地調整もあり, 離農跡地の分割を通した団地的配分も見られる。同時に, 規模拡大-農地購入-による自作継続か, 離農売却かが農家の基本的行動基準としてある。 こうした下, 両地域に共通するのは農家, 農地の流動性が高い点である。先ず, 農家継承の基盤は脆弱である。常に後継者他出と高齢化, 離農と離村-農村内における家の消滅の危険にさらされている。次いで, 農地の継承基盤も脆弱な様相にある。そこでの農地は経営継承を断念した離農時に農地所有の放棄にも繋がり, 移動性を高めている。 今後の課題としては次の点が指摘される。それは農地賃貸借展開の方向性であり, その貸付地は売却に移行していると言えども, 常に土地持ち非農家は再生産されているのである。あわせて農地の面的集積である。集落を越えた農地流動化が見られ, その範囲は広域化しているが, その進行は農地の分散問題としても捉えられるのである。},
 pages = {41--93},
 title = {北海道水田地帯における農業構造の変化と農村社会 : 北空知, 南空知地域を対象として},
 volume = {193},
 year = {2011},
 yomi = {ホソヤマ, タカオ}
}